{"id":340533,"date":"2024-12-23T21:07:58","date_gmt":"2024-12-23T17:07:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/epress.am\/?p=340533"},"modified":"2025-01-28T01:26:36","modified_gmt":"2025-01-27T21:26:36","slug":"psychotic-little-worlds-tamar-shirinian","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/2024\/12\/23\/psychotic-little-worlds-tamar-shirinian.html","title":{"rendered":"Psychotic Little Worlds\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: right;\">Armenian translation is available on <span style=\"color: #0000ff;\"><a style=\"color: #0000ff;\" href=\"https:\/\/epress.am\/2024\/12\/23\/psychotic-little-worlds.html\">Epress.am<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Psychoanalysis Under Occupation, <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lara Sheehi and Stephen Sheehi provide a deep analysis of the psychic effects of Israeli tactics of \u201creality-bending.\u201d They show the ways in which Zionism is insubordinate toward reality \u2013 that it refuses to abide by the rationality and material reality of Palestine as a country populated by Arabs to which European Jews hold no legal, hereditary, or historical title. Zionism, a settler colonial and imperialist project, compels Palestinians to live in a world in which reality is consistently disavowed. This reality-bending is a psychotic mechanism, at least clinically defined: \u201ca cognitive slippage that seeks an omnipotence that can, at its heart, snuff out the psyche of another, rendering the \u2018abnormal,\u2019 \u2018normal.\u2019\u201d Sheehi and Sheehi refuse normalized forms of psychotherapy, including psychoanalytic practice in the state known as Israel, in which Palestinians must choke on their own dispossession and dehumanization as these realities are left outside the doors of the clinic. Rather than any form of actual healing, they argue, normalized apolitical psychotherapies in Palestine train minds and bodies to learn to cope with ongoing militarized occupation as normal. Reality-bending contributes to life as asphyxiation. Under Zionist settler imperialism, the regime dominates through the taking of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">breath and life, <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">both individual and collective, psychologically rendering Palestinians as dis-membered \u2013 as individuals out of political, collective, and historical context. And, of course, it is in Gaza where this asphyxiation has been not just metaphorical, but a literal reality, regularly choking breath out of life.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I start with Palestine because these days it is the beginning of everything \u2013 from my gut to all over. But this conceptualization of reality-bending is instructive. It allows us to understand other worlds that have lived in bent realities, that have constructed their own psychotic social mechanisms, that have produced revisionist histories and narratives and then naturalized them as if\u2026as if.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A friend said to me recently \u2013 pained \u2013 \u201cIt\u2019s like you know what happened but they are now telling you something else happened. You lived it, you remember, you were there, but they are telling you something else.\u201d During the 2020 \u201c44 Day War,\u201d Armenian <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">soldiers, who were obligated to go and fight and die, went scared, went unwillingly. Now, history tells us, they were heroes, who voluntarily sacrificed themselves for their country. For nearly twenty-five years, the country\u2019s post-Soviet oligarchy robbed the people blind \u2013 of what commons had been produced by the Soviet system, of their daily bread, of any sense that they were living under social organization. Today, according to some people, it is those who came after \u2013 to \u201cclean up\u201d \u2013 who committed those robberies. How does one so quickly forget <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">what really happened? <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bending reality has the potential to drive one mad and especially when it happens on the scale of an entire society.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Reality-bending, however, also has its micro-formations, creating psychotic little worlds. Almost twenty years ago, a group of queer feminists founded something \u2013 a space, a blog, a concept, a world, a possibility? \u2013 called Queering Yerevan. Queering Yerevan was a collective of artists and writers. It was never a closed space: some came and went, producing one piece of writing or participating in one happening, and some saw themselves as shaped by this formation. I was not a founding member of the collective, but I was brought into the fold a few years in and had the privilege of witnessing the making of queer feminist work in Yerevan and in Armenia. This is not to put Queering Yerevan in a grave, as if the project is dead and gone. What Queering Yerevan was over the years has consistently transformed and not too many happenings are claimed in its name anymore. While somewhat faded, it promises to awaken and to act again at any moment.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Permit me to feel historical. 2010-2014 were tumultuous years in gendered and sexual reformulations in Armenia. From national sex panics to the sharpening of divisions within political struggles between nationalists and non-nationalists on the basis of gendered and sexual reformulation, to the grounding of gender and sex as critical political concerns in the country, these were formative years on which today\u2019s various queer and feminist formations have established themselves. Sex panic, which came to be called \u201chomophobia,\u201d allowed various organizations to garner interest from European and American organizations with money and with the desire to save queers and women through a civilizing mission. Early on in these years, many of us were aware of the fact that these panics had, in reality, little to do with homosexuality or feminism or gender per se and far more to do with the exploitation of easily manipulable phenomena (by media and by state power) in order to displace <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">various serious political economic anxieties. I remember, for instance, when the director of a well-established feminist organization argued that she refused to engage right-wing nationalists who were attacking her organization for spreading homosexual propaganda because they were just trying to displace attention away from critical political economic questions, especially oligarchic power and its everyday brutal dispossession. However, over the years, as liberal narratives have taken over more space, the severing of connections between sexuality and gender on the one hand and political economy on the other have been more successful.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The feminist political landscape of Yerevan has drastically changed. Today, there is no <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">named <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">formation in Yerevan that acts autonomously from capital and the \u201cprojects\u201d and \u201cprograms\u201d style of operations, although there are certainly a (very) few <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unnamed <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">groups that are doing critical work (including the one who prints the paper in which this article is published). What\u2019s worse, however, is that whether queer and feminist work is taking place within the non-governmental sector officially or not, a liberal <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">language <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">entirely borrowed from the U.S. \u201cactivist\u201d world, where it has already destroyed much political potential, has taken reign. Without an imaginary of a world <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">organized around this deadening language, today we are witnessing a historical revisionism that has all but completely destroyed memory of what Queering Yerevan meant for feminism in Armenia while also resignifying toward destruction its political potential. Finally, as if having arrived at proper U.S.-style liberalism, most \u201cqueer\u201d or \u201cfeminist\u201d organizations in Armenia operate under the bent reality that gender and sexuality are unrelated to economic concern. Feminism is about women, who are purely gendered beings unrelated to issues of production and class. And queerness is about sexuality, unrelated to production and class, but also unrelated to feminism. Gender and sexuality have been melted down into questions of identity, severed from their material realities. Depoliticized, but also apolitical.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Queering Yerevan was not dependent on any liberal activist language. It produced an uncompromised space to work out critical questions: the possibility of creating a queer and feminist literature, art, and discourse; women\u2019s creativity and the potentials of collaboration without men\u2019s interference; the relationship between patriarchy and the state; the issue of borders and its intimacy with boundaries between persons, nation and diaspora, concepts, and bodies; gender as something <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">that can be made and remade; gender as a critical <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">feminist <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">issue, inseparable from feminism and inseparable from woman; and sexuality as a public issue. Perhaps most critically, and something that seems to have been forgotten within the micropolitics of queer and feminist psychotically little worlds of revisionism today, Queering Yerevan conceived of queer feminist possibility independent of, and in many ways counter to, any queer feminist project dictated by capital. In the work displayed on its blog, through its \u201chappenings\u201d in Yerevan and elsewhere, by way of the narrative and the discursive possibility that it produced, and in the personal encounters between its members (and especially its founding members) and others and amongst members \u2013 Queering Yerevan acted as an obstacle for any emergent project that would speak in a compromised language. Here, by obstacle, I mean as a <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">hostile entity <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">that refused to give in to the disciplinary forces that came with the neoliberal agenda to produce a kind of feminism (perhaps we can call this a liberal feminism) that could exist, nicely and neatly, side-by-side, with capital. It provided a <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">critical <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">space.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is important to be clear about this as there are today so many misunderstandings about critique. Critique is not in itself a problem for capital. To write volumes on neoliberalism, on capitalism, on inequality does near nothing against those realities. And, indeed, if the critique is commodifiable in some form \u2013 creates a space in which the critique can be commodified or in which the critique provides cover for a space of commodification otherwise \u2013 then it is always welcome. At times, what looks like critique is actually the production of particular kinds of subjectivities that can cope with capital\u2019s interests: who can see themselves as objects of development who progress toward the better when they invent (or, more accurately, appropriate) new concepts and ideas that they incorporate into their selves. To condemn neoliberalism, then, becomes a necessary function of being properly progressive, in order to be able to more competitively participate in non-profit capitalist circuits. At times, activism or humanitarianism \u2013 both of which might offer critique \u2013 are created not as actualizing gestures toward the making of new worlds, but as one\u2019s products in capitalist non-profit circulation, which ultimately leaves capital unscathed while appropriating political discourse and narrative. Feminism becomes a resume, listing various skills (including agility with certain terms), and past experiences in order to sell oneself within non-profit capitalist circuits, which include grants as well as social capital that can be exchanged for grants.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Self-care, collective care, toxicity, safety. Whatever justice oriented or struggle-oriented meaning or weight these terms and concepts may have had at some point are being entirely reconfigured. They arise today instead to police, to compel, to divide, and to compete. To <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">shut down struggle.\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Queering Yerevan, for me, was a space where we borrowed, appropriated, invented, and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">discarded <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">concepts with the ultimate purpose of consistently challenging compromise with capital and its encroachment. Queering Yerevan was a space of constant debate, discussion, argument, anger, love, and laughter. It was not an easy space. And by that I mean the best of things \u2013 an obstacle to any formation within ourselves that might drive us to adapt. Queering Yerevan provided shelter and protection from a world that wanted to be okay with liberal reality as a political economic worlding. This protection was often created through hostility. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We were hostile toward the status quo as well as reconfigurations of that status quo that threatened to create a new, adaptive, liberalism.\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This queer feminist legacy has been lost in time and what it means to be queer and feminist in Yerevan has been bent out of shape and almost unrecognizable. \u201cFeminism\u201d now seems to belong to those who can garner the largest social networks. Queerness is an image sculpted out of signifiers that are no longer allowed to be challenged: marginalized and oppressed identities in whose name struggle comes to mean wild affirmation. Any relation that stands in the way of capital\u2019s investment in future projects can only exist with a target on its back; it must be demolished lest its negative (and negating) energy spread. Queer feminist struggle: a diversified investment portfolio. \u201cSafety\u201d is no longer a possibility for which there is collective struggle \u2013 so that we all might one day have it \u2013 but has become shelter from struggle. Lest we forget that struggles for actual collective safety have always been termed <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">terrorism <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">while genocide occurs in the name of \u201csafety.\u201d Securitization. Counter-insurgency feminism. Acts, actions, projects, ideology, narrative, and history become the product \u2013 a kind of prototype \u2013 to be marketed for future investment. Venture feminism.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is hard to notice the time-space at which reality bends. One must very carefully attune herself to the feeling that something is just not as it should be. Reality\u2019s bending happens smoothly \u2013 never at a sharp angle, but a gentle arc. A contradiction occurs, nonetheless. It can be felt in the feeling of having a lump in her <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">throat \u2013 unable to speak because the words that one might have used have been taken and reshaped and delivered back to her, robbing her of what she thought she once knew. It can be felt in in the phenomenon of coming up against a wall \u2013 having a thought that one has thought because it is actually what is going on, but learning (often very quickly) that that thought is not allowed to be thought. What happens in these moments of contradiction are quite violent. It resubjectivizes under a new psychotic reality, creating psychosis within the self and then disavowing the very history of how that psychosis appeared. These contradictions become quickly adapted to already-existing narratives, assumptions, and concepts that allow psychic reality to disavow that moment as a particular moment, bending with a perverse reality. Psychotic situations: an international feminist camp, at which there also appeared an Israeli couple who produced themselves as the victims of political repression when a Lebanese woman announced that she could not be politically free in their presence; a screening of a queer pornographic film at which the ways that bodies react to that film are policed and then shamed; a mass email that labels two women \u2013 both of whom are lesbians \u2013 as \u201cbullies\u201d and accuses them of causing traumatic injury (defined as asking a question at a public forum); the perversion of \u201cthe personal is political\u201d so that any political discussion becomes one about personal experiences and one\u2019s own feelings of exhaustion and alienation; the disciplining of feminisms into suzerainties, with demands to remain loyal to one\u2019s own clan.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Here, we might learn through the experience of Israeli settler colonial reality-bending, which works at the level of genocidal dismemberment. Psychic healing for Palestinians, thus \u2013 as Sheehi and Sheehi argue \u2013 is necessarily a collective struggle. Re-memberment, re-joining back to the community that has been cut up and separated toward unrecognizability. Back to life and breath rather than empty signifiers. Back to social relation, which \u2013 in case we have forgotten \u2013 includes conflict and difficult emotions like anger. Back to reality.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">History is written by victors. Yes, this is still true. The end of World War II, however, saw the rise of a new moral economy in which victory was no longer celebrated as military triumph (the triumph of force), but as <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">moral <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">perseverance through suffering. It was the sufferer who became victory\u2019s figure par excellence \u2013 the one who <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">they <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">had tried to destroy, but survived against all odds. The one who <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">they <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">had no regard for, but lived to tell the story of overcoming. This moral economy has done some <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">strange things in the bending of our reality. Victory has meant that one gets the right to name themselves as the victim. And naming oneself as a victim provides immense moral cover for very large crimes (genocide). But also small crimes.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There was once a time in Yerevan during which feminism was <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a struggle between who had endured more trauma and who had inflicted this trauma. This is the tale of today. And, it turns <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">out, that it was queer women who were the biggest patriarchs against whom the struggle had to turn. Psychotic reality bending.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, of course it is true that patriarchy is internalized in all of us. But, when did these concepts \u2013 feminism, patriarchy, the political \u2013 become signs completely detached from any signified? History \u2013 both what happened and what is said about it \u2013 bends when the words with which we want to describe it mean different things. Criticism and conflict become <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">bullying. S<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">paces of actual debate and dialogue become <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unsafe spaces. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To take apart already established meanings of concepts and assemble together other meanings is not just something <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">anyone <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">is allowed to do. Resignification is for the powerful \u2013 those already interpellated as victorious sufferers. Those who have recapitulated to the making of a kind of struggle that is okay with no longer struggling. Making struggle palatable, maybe even delectable. But ensuring its painlessness. Fun, comfortable, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">safe. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But for whom?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Resignification in itself is not necessarily destructive \u2013 it has the potential to be a creative process. Eros, not Thanatos. But resignification that <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">empties potential <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">toward making a new (and more just) world, toward destroying structures that incapacitate, turns concepts into empty caskets that circulate and circulate, in melancholic grief, until they are long, long forgotten and cast aside. Patriarchal violence, once the cause of the historical enslavement of women, is now what lesbians who have chosen to not participate in the processes of inclusion into structures of violence do to straight women in charge of large grants and networks of non-governmental organizations. A horror show of historical revisionism as simulacra. Our own little psychotic world where the postmodern nightmare is awakened.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For, if <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">psychotic and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">living in a false reality that goes against any reality principle, wouldn\u2019t one have to ask if it would ever even be possible for capital to invest in projects actually geared toward its own destruction \u2013 projects that are <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">really invested in struggle?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I am not of the mind that we need to demarcate what counts and what does not count as something. What is and what is not feminism. What is and what is not care, love, toxic, dangerous, violent, and so on. Today, globally, we see that feminism has been the headline and the agent of many projects, including militarization, securitization, imperialism, commodification and many other mechanisms that lead to the destruction of life (of women and non-women). Instead, it seems to me, what matters is an analysis geared toward the actualization of making a world that can hold down the barricades against these mechanisms and, more, create possibilities of their overturn. Can these new (constantly) emergent feminisms \u2013 that create concepts that shut down discussion and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">real relation <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(which, of course, we all know includes conflict), that commodify particular styles of life and brand particular forms of activism and that reify worlding into commodifiable images, and that ultimately call out women geared toward analysis and struggle as the ultimate patriarchal violators \u2013 make a world that can hold down the barricades against the encroachment and destruction of capital? It is not that these are not \u201cfeminist\u201d but that perhaps it is time to move away from feminism as a project when this is what it comes to mean. Or, it is time to produce new (forgotten, erased) forms of feminism. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Naming <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">but putting aside righteously suffering victors, investment portfolios, resumes of past projects, securitization, and counter-insurgency dispositions toward feminism \u2013 signifieds no longer <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">for us <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2013 and creating new (forgotten, erased) pathways.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jean Laplanche demands that \u201c[i]t is time to abandon slogans and think on our own.\u201d What Queering Yerevan offered was precisely this space of abandoning slogans and thinking on our own. We talked incessantly of desire, of pleasure, of violence, of exploitation, of the various contradictions that informed our own beings as well as our relation to one another. We asked uncomfortable questions; we admitted uncomfortable desires; we understood uncomfortable realities. We refused to allow concepts to become reification. We refused to allow any discourse to become our internalized narrative \u2013 asking, asking, asking, incessantly. Those encounters were deeply troubling \u2013 at times excruciating (if I were to be honest). But they were immensely inventive, challenging me to imagine how I create, what I create and how I am also myself in constant creation. By the standards of today\u2019s \u201csafe space\u201d diktat Queering Yerevan would have been intolerable. Today, any form of struggle, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">questioning, and indeed <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">reality <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">seem to have become intolerable. All while maintaining themselves queer and feminist in name. A perverse historical revisionism that has produced psychotic little worlds.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>Tamar Shirinian<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: right;\"><a title=\"471166787_883854520498079_632351289390459886_n\" href=\"https:\/\/www.flickr.com\/photos\/161875017@N06\/54223170434\/in\/dateposted-public\/\" data-flickr-embed=\"true\"><img loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/live.staticflickr.com\/65535\/54223170434_275cab7eee_o.jpg\" alt=\"471166787_883854520498079_632351289390459886_n\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1072\" \/><\/a><br \/>\n<span style=\"font-size: 8pt;\">third issue of the newspaper &#8220;Revolutionary Health and Health for the Revolution&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<!-- AddThis Advanced Settings generic via filter on the_content --><!-- AddThis Share Buttons generic via filter on the_content -->","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u201cSafety\u201d is no longer a possibility for which there is collective struggle but has become shelter from struggle. Queer feminist struggle: a diversified investment portfolio.<!-- AddThis Advanced Settings generic via filter on get_the_excerpt --><!-- AddThis Share Buttons generic via filter on get_the_excerpt --><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":340157,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"tstyn_error":""},"categories":[65981,66053,65988,65974],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/340533"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=340533"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/340533\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/340157"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=340533"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=340533"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epress.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=340533"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}