“The regime is in a panic. Sensing the force of the nationwide movement, the administration is exerting its final push in keeping its illegitimate power, by transferring members of its team to other positions.” This is how I would comment on the recent string of key personnel changes within Armenia’s political leadership. “Under these conditions of indivertible economic growth and large-scale systematic reforms, there are new problems and challenges before the government, and in these conditions the most effective governing model is being chosen.” This is how a supporter of the ruling authorities might assess the personnel changes, writes Aravot editor Aram Abrahamyan in the newspaper’s issue today. He writes:
“The truth is that both the current administration and the opposition political forces are preparing for the elections. Besides, in the case of the last resignation, that of the parliamentary speaker, this was said openly. If this is the official explanation, is it worth it to arrive at the same conclusion through a thorough and difficult analysis? Since for the ruling authorities administrative leverage is the main resource for participating in the elections, it’s obvious that [parliamentary speaker] Hovik Abrahamyan has to gather and manage that resource. On the other hand, the combination of the second figure in the country’s hierarchy and head of the party headquarters would not be viewed well, and if the National Assembly chair didn’t resign, the complaints of this combination [the same man occupying both posts] would be quite normal. Consequently, yes, these personnel changes are being done to maintain power, and on the other hand, yes, new problems bring forth new people. In this sense, I would like to see David Harutyunyan in the position of National Assembly chair, but the parliamentary majority perhaps has its candidate, more appropriate [to the party].
“Another two theories which are not subject to logical examination. Allegedly with the personnel changes [former president] Robert Kocharian’s conspiracy is prevented. This is a baseless theory not because the country’s second president is not capable of conspiracy… it’s simply illogical to assume that Hovik Abrahamyan can be a participant of such a conspiracy — a questionable or not loyal person is not appointed to head of the ruling party’s pre-election campaign. The second theory is that the current police chief will apply tougher methods than his predecessor in case of possible revolt by the people. But police violence against the opposition, in any case, is not due to the police chief’s character. Hayk Harutyunyan also, for example, would never take such action if he didn’t have the command of his superiors. In the case of police, therefore, everything depends on who gives the orders.”